The southbound train hurried through the night. Anne Colleton had done a lot of traveling, and a lot of sleeping in Pullman cars. She had trouble sleeping now. Here in Mississippi, she couldn’t help wondering if machine-gun fire would stitch its way along the side of the train, or if a charge of dynamite buried in the roadbed would blow the engine off the tracks. The Confederate Army was doing its best to put down the simmering Negro uprising, but guerrillas weren’t easy to quell. As soon as they hid their guns, they looked like any other sharecroppers. And plenty of blacks who wouldn’t go out bushwhacking themselves would lie for and conceal the ones who did.
This wasn’t a revolt like the one in 1915. That one had hoped to topple the Confederacy, and had come too close to success. This was more like a sore that didn’t want to heal. Anne feared Jake Featherston and the Freedom Party had pushed blacks too hard after taking power—pushed them too hard without being able to crush them if they did rise up. Now the country had to pay for that lack of foresight.
Eventually, she did doze off. When she woke, the sky was getting light. Nobody had shot up the train. She yawned enormously, trying to drive away sleep. A few minutes later, a colored steward came by with a pot of coffee. She all but mugged him to get her hands on a cup. Even as she drank it, though, she wondered if the man had any connection to the guerrillas. You never could tell. She’d found that out the hard way.
She knew to the minute when the train passed from Mississippi down into Louisiana. Billboards with Jake Featherston’s picture and Freedom Party slogans disappeared, to be replaced by those with Governor Long’s picture and his slogans. Long called himself a Radical Liberal, but in fact he was just as much a strongman in Louisiana as Featherston was in the CSA as a whole. He’d learned a lot from the way the Freedom Party had risen, learned and applied the knowledge in his own state.
Fortified by that cup of coffee, Anne got dressed and went to the dining car for breakfast. She was just finishing when the conductor came through, calling, “Baton Rouge! Next stop is Baton Rouge!”
She went back to her compartment, threw her nightclothes into a suitcase, and waited for the train to stop. A porter came to collect the luggage: another Negro, and so another man to wonder about, no matter how fulsomely he thanked her for the tip she gave him.
Flashbulbs burst in a startling fusillade when she got down onto the platform from the Pullman car. “Welcome to Louisiana, Miss Colleton!” boomed a pudgy, dark-haired man in his mid-forties: Governor Huey Long. He swarmed forward, first to shake her hand, then to plant a kiss on her cheek. More flashbulbs popped. The papers in Louisiana were as much in his pocket as those in the rest of the Confederacy were in Jake Featherston’s.
“Thank you very much,” Anne answered, slightly dazed. “I hadn’t expected such a fancy reception.” She’d expected to be met by a driver and possibly bodyguards, and to be whisked from the station to the state Capitol.
But Huey Long didn’t operate that way. “Anything worth doing is worth overdoing,” he declared, and turned to play to the crowd on the platform. “Ain’t that right, folks?”
People burst into noisy applause. “You tell ’em, Kingfish!” a woman called, as if to a preacher. Long lacked some of President Featherston’s fiery intensity, but he seemed a more likable, more human figure. They both got what they wanted—people did as they told them to—but by different roads. That ain’t was a nice touch. Huey Long had a law degree; such language wasn’t part of the way he usually talked. But he brought it out naturally, using it to connect with the crowd.
“Come on,” he told Anne. “Let’s get on over to the statehouse and talk.” She nodded. That was what Jake Featherston had sent her to Louisiana to do.
The governor’s limousine was a Bentley with a hood as long as a battleship. Featherston would never have set foot in such a flashy motorcar. He had, so to speak, risen from the ranks, and didn’t want to lose the common touch. Governor Long, by contrast, reveled in luxury.
Motorcycles ridden by state troopers preceded and followed the limousine. So did police cars with red lights flashing and sirens blaring. Long turned the short trip from the station to the Capitol into a procession. More photographers were waiting for him and Anne as they went up the steps into the impressively domed building.
Hard-faced guards surrounded them going up those steps. More guards waited at the entranceway. Still more patrolled the corridors. However much Huey Long posed as a friend of the people, he didn’t trust them very far. A horde of sweepers also patrolled the hallways, and kept them spotlessly clean.
“If I’m rushing you, just sing out,” Long told Anne. “You want to go to a hotel and freshen up, maybe even take a day to rest, it’s all right by me.”
“Thank you, but I’m fine,” she said. “I’m here now. We may as well talk now, don’t you think?”
“However you want it, that’s how it’ll be,” he said grandly. “Suppose you go on and tell me why you’re here.”
“That’s simple, Governor: I’m here to deliver a message for President Featherston,” Anne answered. “You must understand that, or you wouldn’t have given me such a … splendid reception.”
“Well, now, I want you to know it was my pleasure,” Long said, and then, as if relishing the phrase, repeated it: “My pleasure. I’ll be glad to listen to this here message, whatever it is, even though I have trouble seeing what sort of a message the president of the CSA would want to send to me. I’m just minding my business here in Louisiana, and I reckon he ought to do the same outside my state.”
“That’s … part of what the message is about,” Anne replied, much more nervous here than she’d ever been while dealing with Action Française. If Governor Long didn’t like what she had to say, she might not get home to South Carolina.
He nodded now, though, all graciousness. “Go on, then,” he told her.
“You understand that this is unofficial,” Anne said. “If you quote me, the president will either call you a liar or say I wasn’t speaking for him.” Long nodded impatiently. He’d trumpet what came next anyhow, and Featherston would disown it. But now the formalities of things unofficial had been observed, so Anne went on, “You could call this a warning, Governor. If you don’t bring Louisiana into line with the rest of the CSA, you’ll be sorry.”
Huey Long scowled. “Bring it into line, you say? What’s that supposed to mean? Knuckle under to the Freedom Party? Pardon my French, Miss Colleton, but I’ll be damned if I’ll do that.”
You’ll be damned if you don’t, Anne thought. Aloud, she said, “The president is concerned about the direction you’re taking Louisiana in.”
“I’m not doing anything he hasn’t done,” Long said.
He was right, of course. But he’d started later, and had only a state to work in. That wasn’t enough, not when he was up against the rest of the country. If he didn’t see that … If he didn’t see that, maybe he was too full of himself to see it. Anne said, “You’d do better not to get all stiff-necked about this, Governor. The president is very determined.”
“What’s he going to do? Invade my state?” Long snorted, ridiculing the mere idea. “If he does, we’ll fight, by God. I’m just as good a Confederate patriot as he is any day of the week.”
Despite his threat, he didn’t take the idea seriously. Anne did. One thing she was sure of: Jake Featherston would tolerate no threats to his own authority. She said, “I don’t know what he’ll do. Whatever it is, do you really think you could stop it? This is only one state, after all.”
“I’ll take my chances,” said the governor of Louisiana. “We haven’t seen much freedom since the Freedom Party took over. But Featherston can’t run again in 1939; it’s against the Confederate Constitution. I think maybe I can whip anybody else in the Party. Willy Knight?” He gave a contemptuous shrug. “If he hadn’t climbed onto Featherston’s coattails, he’d still be a loudmouthed Texas nobody.”
He wasn’t wrong about that, either, or about the single six-year term to which the Confederate president was limited. More than once, Anne had wondered what Jake Featherston intended to do about that. What could he do? She didn’t know. To Huey Long, she said, “That’s all, then. I’ve told you what I came here to tell you. I have a reservation at the Excelsior. May I go there?” It wasn’t an idle question; Long might want to hold her hostage. “Just so you know, the president won’t pay ransom or anything like that to get me back.”
“Oh, yes. I know. Run along,” Long said. “You’re not a big enough centipede in my shoe to get excited about.”
That stung. Of all the things Anne least wanted to be called, small-time ranked high on the list. Smiling as if he knew as much, Long escorted her to the limousine. The driver put the car into gear without asking where she was going. Five minutes later, he pulled up in front of the Excelsior. “Here you are, ma’am.”
“Thank you.” She tipped him. A colored bellboy put her suitcases on a cart and wheeled them into the hotel. Anne went to the front desk. After fuming while she waited in line, she gave her name to the clerk.
“Oh, yes, Miss Colleton. Of course. And how are you this lovely afternoon?”
Anne hesitated a split second before answering. She’d expected to hear that precise question, but not so soon. “Tired,” she told him. If she’d said, Just fine, the world would have been a different place. She didn’t know how, not for certain, but one response meant one thing, the other something else.
The clerk’s face showed none of that. With a sympathetic smile, he said, “You take it easy here. We’ve got fine rooms, and the best restaurant in town, too.”
“All right. I’ll try it.” She collected her room key and went upstairs, the bellboy trailing along behind her. She tipped him and the elevator operator, then unpacked and indulged in the luxury of a bath before going down to the best restaurant in town. It lived up to the desk clerk’s description. She soon saw why: a lot of the plump, prosperous men who ate there were Louisiana legislators. Talk of power and of business filled the air.
The restaurant gave a view of Roselawn, the street that led north to the Capitol. Anne was about halfway through an excellent plate of lamb chops when chaos suddenly erupted outside. Sirens screaming and red lights blazing, police cars and ambulances raced toward the statehouse.
Several of the important men in the restaurant wondered what was going on, some of them loudly and profanely. A telephone in the corridor that led to the place jangled. A waiter hurried from the corridor to one of the tables full of prominent people. A handsome, gray-haired man went back with him.
A moment later, curses as explosive as any Anne had ever heard filled the air. The gray-haired man rushed back into the room, crying, “Governor Long’s been shot! Shot, I tell you! Nigger janitor was carrying a gun! Goddamn nigger’s dead, but Governor Long, he’s hurt bad!”
Pandemonium filled the restaurant. Men sprang to their feet shouting frightful oaths. Women screamed. A few men screamed, too. Anne went right on eating her lamb chops. She was supposed to get out of town tomorrow, and hoped the state authorities would let her leave. If they started wondering what connection she had to a desk clerk and a desperate janitor … All she knew about was one code phrase. No. She knew one other thing. When Jake Featherston gave her this assignment, she’d known better than to ask too many questions.
“You can’t do this to me,” the silver-haired lawyer insisted. “It violates every tenet of the Constitution of the Confederate States of America.”
Jefferson Pinkard shrugged broad shoulders. “If I had the time, I could tell you there’s martial law in Louisiana, and so whatever the Constitution’s got to say doesn’t matter worth a hill of beans. If I had time, I could do that. But I don’t have time. And so—” He slapped the lawyer in the face, then backhanded him with a return stroke. Then he punched the silver-haired fellow in the pit of the stomach. The man tried to double up, but the guards who had hold of him wouldn’t let him. In friendly tones, Pinkard asked, “See what I mean?”
He wondered if the lawyer would say something stupid and need another dose. Some of these people did. They’d run things in Louisiana for a long time, and had trouble figuring out they weren’t in charge any more. They ran their mouths off, and they paid for it. Oh, yes, they paid plenty.
This one, though, seemed smarter than most. He also needed half a minute or so to catch his breath before he could say anything at all. “I get it,” he choked out, his face gray with pain.
A little disappointed, Jeff jerked a thumb toward the interior of the camp. “Take him away,” he said, and the guards did. Jeff laughed. He wondered if the men who’d voted to build camps in Louisiana ever imagined they’d wind up in them. He doubted it; people didn’t work that way.
But, whether people believed it or not, things changed mighty easily. Huey Long had imitated in miniature Jake Featherston’s system of running up prison camps to hold people who might cause trouble for him. With Long dead, with the president declaring martial law in Louisiana “to deal with the vile terrorism of black insurrection,” the Freedom Party and all its apparatus had swooped down on the state like a hawk swooping down on a plump chicken. Men who’d defied the Freedom Party since long before 1933 were finally getting what was coming to them.
The swoop came so hard and fast, state officials hadn’t had any chance to resist. President Featherston declared martial law the minute he heard Governor Long was dead. Soldiers and Freedom Party guards and stalwarts swarmed into Louisiana from north, east, and west. So many of them had been in Texas and Mississippi and Arkansas, so very close to the border, that Pinkard wondered if they hadn’t waited there for Long’s assassination. He wondered, but he kept quiet. Men who shot off their mouths about things like that didn’t run prison camps; they got locked up in them. And besides, Jeff was more inclined to see this whole operation as good planning than as an invasion.
Long’s wardens had used a little more imagination on the names of their prisons than the Freedom Party bothered with. This one, just outside Alexandria, was called Camp Dependable. That amused Jeff, not least because the fellow who had been in charge of this place was now an inmate here.
So was one of Huey Long’s brothers. The other had suffered an unfortunate accident shortly after the forces necessary for martial law began entering Louisiana. Jeff had heard—unofficially, of course—that the “accident” involved a burst of machine-gun fire. That wasn’t in the papers or on the wireless. He couldn’t prove it was true. But he wouldn’t have been surprised, either.
He went out to the perimeter of Camp Dependable. Freedom Party stalwarts were strengthening it with more barbed wire. It already had more machine-gun emplacements than Long’s people had been able to afford. Martial law had been declared to put down the Negro insurrection in Louisiana. That insurrection still simmered, and still needed defending against. Somehow, though, just about all the inmates in the prison camp were white men who’d backed Huey Long to the hilt.
“Everything tight?” Pinkard asked a helmeted Freedom Party guard who manned a machine gun.
“You bet, Warden,” the man answered. “Tight as a fifty-dollar whore’s snatch.”
Pinkard laughed. “That’s the way it’s supposed to be,” he said, and continued on his rounds. “Freedom!” he added over his shoulder.
“Freedom!” the machine gunner echoed. That greeting hadn’t been heard much here since Huey Long seized the reins. With martial law in place, though, with Louisiana being brought into line with the rest of the Confederate States, Freedom! here now had the importance it deserved.
A few hundred yards away, motorcars rolled along the highway that ran down to New Orleans. Governor Long had done a lot for the roads in the state. Building roads meant lots of jobs. Out in the rest of the CSA, President Featherston’s dam-building program did the same thing.
Only after he’d tramped the entire perimeter did Pinkard relax a little. He’d got into the habit down in the Empire of Mexico. There, he hadn’t been able to rely on the guards as much as he would have liked. If he didn’t see things with his own eyes, he couldn’t know for sure how they were going. He still remained convinced he had a better chance of heading off trouble if he kept an eye on everything himself.
With a couple of guards, he also strode through the interior of Camp Dependable. Having an escort was part of regulations. Where he didn’t make the rules, he followed them. Making people follow the rules was the point of a prison camp, after all. But, rules or no rules, he didn’t much worry about being taken hostage. New prisoners had tried that once with another warden, a couple of days after Governor Long died. The ensuing massacre showed what they could expect if they tried it again.
“Hey, Warden!” somebody called. “Can we get better food?”
“You’ll get what the regulations say you get,” Pinkard answered. “And you’ll be sorry if you whine about it. You understand?”
The prisoner didn’t answer. He wore his striped uniform—regulation in Louisiana—with an odd sort of pride. He’d sounded like an educated man when he asked the question. Jeff wondered what he’d been before Huey Long’s rule collapsed. A lawyer? A professor? A writer? Whatever he’d been, he was only a prisoner now. And he hadn’t really figured out how to be a prisoner, or he wouldn’t have kept quiet when the warden asked him a question. Pinkard nodded to the guards. He needed to do no more than that. They fell on the man and beat him up. He howled, which helped him not at all. The other prisoners nearby watched, wide-eyed. None of them said a word or tried to interfere. They were learning.
When the beating ended, the guards stepped back. They weren’t even mussed. Slowly, painfully, blood running down his face, the prisoner struggled to his feet. “You understand?” Jeff asked him again.
“Yes, Warden,” he choked out.
“Stand at attention when you speak to the warden, you worthless sack of shit,” a guard growled.
The prisoner did his best. It wasn’t very good, since he could hardly stand upright at all. Here, though, making the effort counted. “Yes, Warden,” he repeated, and then, warily, he added, “Sorry, Warden.”
“Sorry doesn’t cut the mustard,” Pinkard snapped. “What are you?”
“What—?” The prisoner frowned. One of the guards snarled in hungry eagerness. He snarled a little too soon, though, and gave the man a hint. “I’m a worthless sack of shit, Warden!” he blurted.
Pinkard answered with a brusque nod and a handful of words: “Grits and water—ten days.”
He waited. If the prisoner protested, if he even blinked, he would be a lot sorrier than he was already. But he only stayed at attention and tried to look as if he’d got good news. Pinkard nodded again and walked on. He would have less trouble from here on out with everybody who’d watched and listened.
No one gave him any more lip till he got to the infirmary. Then it came not from a prisoner but from a white-coated doctor. “Warden, if these men keep getting rations of hominy grits and a little fatback and nothing else, you’ll see more cases of pellagra than you can shake a stick at.”
“What else am I supposed to feed them?” Jeff asked.
“Vegetables. Fruits. Wheat flour,” the doctor said. “They haven’t been here very long, but some of them are already starting to show symptoms.”
“Feeding ’em that other stuff’d cost more money, wouldn’t it?” Pinkard asked.
“Well, yes,” the man in the white coat admitted. “But pellagra’s no joke. It will kill. It’s only the past few years we’ve found out that something missing from the diet causes it. Do you want to burden yourself with a lot of disease you can easily prevent?”
Jeff shrugged. “I don’t know about that. What I do know is, these people are enemies of the Confederate States. They don’t deserve anything fancy. We’ll go on the way we have been, thank you very much.”
He waited. He couldn’t punish the doctor the way he’d punished the prisoner. The doctor was only trying to do his job. He was supposed to be politically sound. He took a look at the guards standing behind Pinkard and visibly wilted. “All right,” he said. “But I did want to keep you informed.”
“Fine,” Pinkard said. “I’m informed. Freedom!” This time, the handy word meant, Shut up and stop bothering me.
“Freedom!” the doctor echoed. He couldn’t say anything else.
Barbed wire separated the warden’s office and quarters and the guards’ quarters from the prisoners’ barracks. Pinkard nodded to himself when he passed out of the area where the prisoners lived. They were nothing but trouble. That was even more true here than it had been in Alabama. There, Whigs and Rad Libs had guessed for a long time what would happen to them once the Freedom Party came out on top. Not here in Louisiana, not after Long got in. The Rad Libs here had thought they’d stay on top forever.
As Pinkard went up the stairs of the mess hall to grab himself a snack (he had a lot more choices than grits and fatback), a flight of aeroplanes buzzed by overhead. They were painted in bright colors. Instead of the C.S. battle flag, they had CONFEDERATE CITRUS COMPANY painted on wings and fuselage. But they meant business. When Confederate forces entered Louisiana after Governor Long was gunned down, a few state policemen and militiamen had tried to resist. They didn’t try for long, not after those CONFEDERATE CITRUS COMPANY machines bombed and machine-gunned them from the sky. And the aeroplanes had been useful since, too, pounding Negro guerrillas who hid in swamps and bays inaccessible except from above.
The Confederate States weren’t supposed to have aeroplanes that carried bombs and machine guns. That was what the United States had been saying since 1917, anyhow. President Smith had sent President Featherston a note about it. Jeff remembered hearing about that on the wireless set in his quarters. And President Featherston had written back, too, saying they were armed only for internal-security reasons, and that the CSA would take the weapons off as soon as things calmed down again.
So far, the USA hadn’t said anything more. It had been two or three weeks now since the first protest. As far as Jeff could see, that meant his country had got away with it. He grinned as he went into the mess hall. The damnyankees had been kicking the Confederate States around for more than twenty years, but their day was ending. The CSA could walk proud again. Could … and would.
A colored cook fixed him a big, meaty roast-beef sandwich with all the trimmings. He got himself a cup of coffee, rich and pale with cream and full of sugar. Mayonnaise ran down his chin when he took a big bite of the sandwich. Life wasn’t bad. No, sir, not bad at all.
Every time Clarence Potter put on his uniform, he looked in the mirror to see if he was dreaming. No dream: butternut tunic, a colonel’s three stars on each collar patch. The cut of the tunic was slightly different from what he’d worn in the Great War. It was looser, less binding under the arms, and the collar didn’t try to choke him every time he turned his head. Whoever’d redesigned it had realized a man might have to move and fight while he had it on.
Going to the War Department offices in Richmond seemed a dream, too, although he’d been doing it for a year and a half now. The sentries outside the building stiffened to attention and saluted when he went by. He returned the salutes as if he’d done it every day since the war ended. The first few times he’d saluted, though, he’d been painfully, embarrassingly, rusty.
More visitors to the War Department walked up the stairs near the entrance or paused to ask the sergeant sitting at a desk with an INFORMATION sign where they needed to go. The sergeant was plump and friendly and helpful. Few people went down the corridor past his desk. Another sign marked it: AUTHORIZED PERSONNEL ONLY.
The friendly sergeant nodded to Potter as he strode by. He went halfway down the corridor with the intimidating sign, then opened a door labeled SUPPLIES & REQUISITIONS. With careful, even fussy, precision, he closed the door behind him.
Three more guards stood on the other side of that door. Instead of bayoneted Tredegars, two of them carried submachine guns: short, ugly weapons good for nothing but turning men into hamburger at close range. The third guard had a .45 instead. He said, “Your identification, Colonel?”
As always, Potter produced the card with his photograph on it. As always, the guard gave it a once-over to make sure photo matched face. Satisfied, the man with the .45—who’d been careful not to get in his comrades’ line of fire—stepped back. He pointed to the log sheet on a table past the guards. Potter put the card back in his wallet, then logged himself in. He looked at his watch before adding the time: 0642. He’d had to get used to military hours again, too.
Stairs led down from the door marked SUPPLIES & REQUISITIONS. The room where Potter worked was in a subbasement, several stories below street level. Down here, fans whirred to keep air circulating. It felt musty anyhow. In the summer, it was air-conditioned like a fancy cinema house; it would have been unbearable otherwise.
Potter sat down at his desk and started going through U.S. newspapers, most of them a day, or two, or three, out of date. Know your enemy had to be the oldest rule in intelligence work. Papers in the USA talked too much. They talked about all sorts of things the government would have been happier to see unsaid: movements of soldiers, of barrels, of aeroplanes, of ships; stories of what was made where, and how much, and for how much; railroad schedules; pieces about how the bureaucracy worked and, often, how it failed to work. Papers in the CSA had been the same way before the Freedom Party took over. They offered much less to would-be spies now.
Every so often, Clarence Potter remembered he’d come up to Richmond to assassinate President Featherston. He knew why he’d come up here to do it, too. He still believed just about everything he had during the 1936 Olympics. But he wasn’t interested in shooting Featherston any more. He had too many other things going on.
He’d known Featherston was shrewd. But he hadn’t realized just how clever the president of the CSA was, not till he saw from the inside the way Featherston operated. After shooting the Negro who’d opened fire on Featherston before he could himself, Potter could have been patted on the back and then suffered a dreadful accident. Instead, Featherston had done something even nastier: he’d given Potter a job he really wanted to do, a job he could do well, and a job where who his boss was didn’t matter a bit.
“Oh, yes,” Potter murmured when that thought crossed his mind. “I’d want revenge on the USA no matter who the president was.”
Featherston hadn’t used him in the subjugation of Louisiana. Potter hadn’t even known that was in the works till it happened—which was, all by itself, a sign of good security. There were all sorts of things he didn’t need to know and would be better off not knowing. The people who’d planned and brought off the Louisiana operation didn’t know what he was up to, either. He hoped like hell they didn’t, anyhow.
He was banging away at a typewriter, putting together a report on U.S. Navy movements out of New York harbor, when his nine o’clock appointment showed up ten minutes early. Randolph Davidson’s collar tabs bore the two bars of a first lieutenant. He was in his late twenties, blond, blue-eyed, with very red cheeks and a little wisp of a mustache. Saluting, he said, “Reporting as ordered, Colonel Potter.”
Potter cocked his head to one side, listening intently, weighing, judging. “Not bad,” he said in judicious tones. “How did you come to sound so much like a damnyankee?” He sounded a lot like one himself; the intonations he’d picked up at Yale before the war had stuck.
“After the war, sir, my father did a lot of business in Ohio and Indiana,” Davidson answered. “The whole family lived up there, and I went to school there.”
“You’d certainly convince anyone on this side of the border,” Potter said.
The younger man looked unhappy. “I know that, sir. People don’t trust me on account of the way I talk. I swear I’d be a captain now if I sounded like I came from Mississippi.”
“I understand. I’ve had some trouble along those lines myself,” Potter said in sympathy. “Now the next question is, could you pass for a damnyankee on the other side of the border?”
Davidson didn’t answer right away. Those blue eyes of his widened, and became even bluer in the process. “So that’s what this is all about,” he breathed.
“That’s right.” Potter spoke like one of his Yale professors: “This is what happens when two countries that don’t like each other use the same language. You can usually tell somebody from Mississippi apart from somebody from Michigan without much trouble. Usually. But, with the right set of documents, somebody who sounds like a damnyankee can go up north and be a damnyankee—and do all sorts of other interesting things besides. What do you think of that, Lieutenant?”
“When do I start?” Davidson said.
“It’s not quite so simple,” Clarence Potter said with a smile. “You’ve got some training to do.” And we’ve got some more checks to do. “But you look good. You sound good.”
“Thank you very much, sir,” Davidson said, where most Confederate citizens would have answered, Thank you kindly. Potter nodded approval. The younger man’s grin said he knew what Potter was approving.
“I will be in touch with you, Lieutenant,” Potter said. “You can count on that.”
“Yes, sir!” Davidson also knew dismissal when he heard it. He got to his feet and saluted. “Freedom!”
That word still rankled. It reminded Clarence Potter of what he had been. He didn’t care to think about how the man who’d redonned Confederate uniform had come to Richmond with a pistol in his pocket. He wanted to pretend he hadn’t heard the word. He wanted to, but he couldn’t. Lieutenant Davidson was definitely a man who spoke with a Yankee accent. That didn’t mean he wasn’t also a Freedom Party spy checking on the loyalty of a suspect officer.
I’m old news now, Potter thought. If anything happens to me, it won’t even show up in the papers. I can’t afford to make people worry about me. The calculation—one he’d gone through before—took less than a heartbeat. “Freedom!” he echoed, not with the enthusiasm of a stalwart but in a crisp, businesslike, military way.
Davidson left the underground office. Potter scribbled a couple of notes to himself. They both had to do with the background checks he’d have to make on the officer who’d gone to school in Ohio and Indiana. Some of those checks might show whether Davidson was reporting back to the Freedom Party. Others might show whether he was reporting back to U.S. Army Intelligence headquarters in Philadelphia.
Potter muttered under his breath. That was the chance he took when running this kind of operation. Somebody who sounded like a damnyankee was liable to be a damnyankee. The CSA spied on the USA, but the USA also spied on the CSA. If the United States could slide a spy into Confederate Intelligence, that could be worth a corps of ordinary soldiers when a second round of fighting broke out. Facing a foe who spoke your language was a two-edged sword, and could cut both ways. Anyone who didn’t realize that was a fool.
“I hope I’m not a fool,” Potter muttered as he went back to plugging away at his paperwork. “I hope I’m not that kind of fool, anyhow.”
How could you know, though? How could you be sure? During the Great War, Potter had worried more about the tactical level than the strategic. This new job was more complex, less well defined. Here, he couldn’t write something along the lines of, Interrogation of U.S. prisoners indicates an attack in map sector A-17 will commence at 0530 day after tomorrow. What he was looking for was subtler, more evanescent—and when he thought he saw it, he had to make sure he wasn’t just seeing something his U.S. opposite number (for he surely had one) wanted him to see.
“Damn you,” he said under his breath. That was aimed at Jake Featherston, but Potter knew better than to name names. Someone might be—someone almost certainly was—listening to him.
The trouble was, Featherston had known exactly what made Potter tick. I solve puzzles. I’m good at it. Point me at something and I will get to the bottom of it. Tell me it helps my country—no, let me see with my own eyes that it helps my country—and I’ll dig four times as hard to get to the bottom of it.
Above Potter’s head, the fans in the ventilation system went on whirring. The sound got to be part of him after a while. If it ever stopped, he’d probably exclaim, “What was that?” The vibration had made his fillings ache when he first came here. No more. Now it seemed as basic, as essential, as the endless swirl of blood through his veins.
A major walked past him. “After twelve,” the man said. “You going to work through lunch, Colonel?”
Potter looked at his watch in amazement. Where had the morning gone? He’d done more plugging than he thought. “Not me,” he said, and got to his feet. Intelligence had its own mess hall—the secret lunchroom, he thought with wry amusement—so men who dealt in hidden things could talk shop with no one else the wiser.
He got himself a pastrami sandwich—a taste he’d acquired in Connecticut, and not one widely shared in the CSA—and a glass of Dr. Hopper, then sat down at a table. He had it to himself. Even after a year and a half, he was still new here, still not really one of the gang. A lot of the officers in Intelligence, the elite in the C.S. Army, had served through the lean and hungry times after the Great War. They had their own cliques, and didn’t readily invite johnny-come-latelies to join. They were still deciding what to make of him, too. Some of them despised Jake Featherston. Others thought him the Second Coming. With one foot in both those camps, Potter didn’t fit either.
And so, instead of gabbing, he listened. You learn more that way, he told himself. A Yankee spy would have learned a lot, especially hearing the way names like Kentucky and Houston got thrown around. Potter had suspected that much even before he came back to Intelligence. As anyone would, he liked finding out he was right.